The Battle of Saraighat: Military strategy and diplomatic intricacies in the Ahom-Mughal conflict

The Battle of Saraighat (1671) unfolded as a multifaceted encounter, blending military prowess with a psychological chess match typical of mediaeval Indian warfare.
The Battle of Saraighat: Military strategy and diplomatic intricacies in the Ahom-Mughal conflict
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 Dipak Kurmi

(The writer can be reached at dipaknewslive@gmail.com.)

The Battle of Saraighat (1671) unfolded as a multifaceted encounter, blending military prowess with a psychological chess match typical of mediaeval Indian warfare. The dynamic exchange of diplomacy between Lachit Barphukan and Ram Singh (Ram Singh I) laid bare the profound psychological struggle that played out between these two seasoned generals. In the tapestry of the Ahom-Mughal conflict, perceptions and propaganda weave themselves seamlessly into the fabric of the narrative, underscoring the nuanced nature of this historical confrontation.

The Battle of Saraighat marked not only a clash of military might but also an intriguing duel of personalities embodied by the commanders leading the opposing forces: Ram Singh of the Mughals and Lachit Barphukan of the Ahoms. Mirroring each other in the background, both commanders hailed from the aristocratic echelons and were scions of esteemed officials in their respective kingdoms. The convergence of these two leaders, with shared lineage and elevated status, added a distinctive layer to the complex tapestry of this historical confrontation.

The Mughal Empire and the Kingdom of Amber bore witness to the convergence of two formidable patriarchs, shaping the destinies of their successors in the Battle of Saraighat. Within the Mughal realm, Jai Singh (Jai Singh I), acclaimed as the Mirza Raja and Raja of Amber, emerged as a seasoned general whose strategic brilliance echoed in campaigns across the Indian subcontinent and Afghanistan. Proficient in the nuances of psychological warfare, Jai Singh achieved a rare feat by compelling Shivaji to yield at Purandar and escorting him to Aurangzeb’s court with his son, Ram Singh. On the opposing front, Lachit Barphukan’s father, Momai Tamuli Barbarua, held a dual mantle as councillor and commander-in-chief of the Ahom army during the Mughal conflicts in the era of Pratap Singha (1603–1641). Bestowed with executive and judicial powers, the position of Barbarua carried significant weight. Lachit himself, having fought in the Ahom ranks against Mir Jumla’s Mughal forces, embodied the legacy of resistance. The intricate dance of lineage and strategic experiences sets the stage for a balanced and compelling struggle between these two adversaries in the impending conflict.

Lachit Barphukan, in August 1667, initiated his march towards Guwahati, setting in motion a sequence of events that would redefine the course of the conflict. By year-end, the Mughals found themselves vanquished and expelled from Kamrup, yielding territories to the Ahoms up to the Manaha (Manas River). In December 1667, news of this setback reached the ears of Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, prompting the swift appointment of Ram Singh as the commander of the imperial Mughal army. Ram Singh, at the helm of a formidable force comprising 18,000 cavalry, 30,000 infantry, 15,000 archers, 5,000 gunners armed with over 1,000 cannons, and a significant navy, descended upon Assam in February 1669. Lachit, ever vigilant, recognized the strategic challenge posed by the Mughal juggernaut. Acknowledging the impracticality of confronting the enemy at outlying forts, he orchestrated a systematic withdrawal of Ahom forces from Manaha. The three Rajkhowas overseeing the tactical retreat cleverly positioned themselves beyond the reach of Mughal cannon fire. Under the cover of night, they established riverbank encampments, adorning trunks of plantain with torches. At dawn, they seamlessly sailed ahead of Ram Singh’s advancing army. The orchestrated retreat created a deceptive perception of a vast army in retreat, leading Ram Singh to believe in his good fortune, akin to Mir Jumla’s unchallenged advance up the Brahmaputra in 1662. On the sixth day of this strategic dance, two sleep-stricken attendees left behind by the Dihingia Rajkhowa were captured by Mughal forces. Presented before Ram Singh, the general surprised them by ordering their release and instructing them to convey a bold message to Barphukan: to engage the Mughals in battle for a mere hour. The stage was set for a battle of wits and tactics in the unfolding saga of Saraighat.

Lachit Barphukan, in a strategic gambit, began assessing his adversary while fortifying an impregnable defence system in Guwahati. Recognising the value of time, he engaged in astute negotiations with the Mughals, demonstrating a blend of military acumen and diplomatic finesse. As part of this tactful approach, Barphukan released Firoz Khan, the former Faujadar of Guwahati, from captivity. Through Khan, he conveyed a pointed message to Ram Singh, emphasising the need to understand the purpose of the Mughal incursion. Barphukan’s diplomatic stance was clear: war should not be the sole means of resolving issues, and true wisdom lies in adapting measures to the demands of the situation (Bhuyan, 1947). In response, Ram Singh articulated his demands—restoration of territories according to the 1639 Treaty and the release of Mughal commanders captured in the previous conflict. Undeterred by the Mughal ultimatum, Lachit Barphukan faced the challenge head-on. Ram Singh provocatively proposed a one-hour confrontation, even offering to supply war materials to the Ahom commanders if shortages plagued their camp (Bhuyan, Baruah). In the delicate dance between negotiation and confrontation, Lachit Barphukan stood poised at the epicentre, orchestrating a symphony of strategy to safeguard the lands of the Ahoms.

Lachit Barphukan, resolute in his defence of Guwahati, issued a firm response to Ram Singh’s demands. Emphatically, he asserted that Guwahati and Kamrup were not the rightful domain of the Mughals but rather had temporarily fallen into their hands by chance. Barphukan conveyed a profound conviction that the return of these territories to the Ahoms was an act of divine will. He stated, “Now God has been pleased to give it back to us. When He pleases to give it to our brother sovereign, the Mogul Emperor, he will get Gauhati, but not before that.” Undeterred by Ram Singh’s provocation for a one-hour battle, Barphukan declared an unwavering commitment to fight as long as a drop of blood coursed through Ahom veins. Addressing the Mughal offer of war materials, he responded with confidence, “Our Majesty, the Heavenly King, has nothing unavailable to him. If the Rajput Raja finds himself in need, let him ask, and I shall endeavour to oblige him” (Bhuyan, p. 49). In this eloquent exchange, Lachit Barphukan wielded both the sword and the pen, asserting the Ahom sovereignty and preparing for a battle where determination and divine favour stood as formidable allies.

The ebb and flow of diplomatic exchanges persisted, woven into the fabric of psychological warfare. By March 1669, the unfolding drama saw Ram Singh’s forces reaching Hajo, a mere 25 kilometres northwest of Guwahati, where they took their strategic stance. In a shrewd move, Ram Singh dispatched a messenger to Lachit Barphukan from Hajo, presenting a bag of poppy seeds along with a message asserting the overwhelming numerical strength of the Mughal army. The message was clear: “The Barphukan should evacuate Guwahati. Our army is as numerous as the poppy seeds in this bag.” Undeterred, the Barphukan responded with a counter-reply that spoke volumes. Sending back a tube filled with sand, he conveyed, “The poppy seeds, if pounded down, will become a thin paste. Our army is as numerous and indissoluble as the sands in the tube despatched herewith” (Bhuyan, 1947, p. 50). In this symbolic exchange, the sands of resolve and unity stood against the ephemeral nature of poppy seeds, signalling the unwavering determination of the Ahom forces in the face of numerical rhetoric.

The Ahom and Mughal forces engaged in sporadic clashes between 1669 and 1670, with losses incurred on both sides. As the monsoons descended, ushering in the flooding season, the Mughal army faced increasing discomfort as their units became detached. Lachit Barphukan, strategic and patient, awaited the depletion of enemy provisions and the potential outbreak of disease. The Ahom forces, demonstrating unwavering vigour, launched guerrilla attacks with precision, emerging from their forts to inflict casualties and swiftly retreating if faced with a counterattack (Bhuyan, P. 56). Ram Singh dismissed these tactics as “thieves’ affairs,” attributing them to the cunning of his adversary. In response, Barphukan defended the unconventional approach, stating, “We wanted to test whether Ram Singh possesses stamina to fight on land. It must be remembered that lions alone fight at night, while others fight during the daytime, whether on land or water.” Despite Ram Singh’s insistence that night engagements were impermissible, Ahom envoys explained that their army, housing a force of one hundred thousand Rakshas or demons, were man-eaters and night-rovers. Initially skeptical, Ram Singh was ultimately convinced through a clever ruse, leading him to acknowledge the presence of demons and cannibals in the Ahom ranks. This revelation carried significant weight in those times, to the extent that Ram Singh sought the assistance of Guru Tegh Bahadur to counteract these perceived magical forces. The unfolding dynamics hinted at the emergence of an inferiority complex within Ram Singh, a psychological undercurrent in the intricate tapestry of the Ahom-Mughal conflict (Barpujari, p.231).

The Ahom commander, having thwarted Ram Singh’s attempts at evacuation through both warfare and negotiations, faced a new challenge orchestrated by the Mughal general. Ram Singh, resorting to psychological tactics, attached a letter to an arrow and launched it into the Ahom camp. The message, addressed to Lachit Barphukan, insinuated that the Ahom leader had accepted a reward of one lakh rupees and signed an agreement to cease hostilities, raising doubts about his commitment to the agreement. The letter, finding its way to Gargaon, cast a shadow of suspicion over Lachit Barphukan for a period. In this critical juncture, Atan Buragohain, the Chief Councillor, played a pivotal role in dispelling the cloud of doubt. He skillfully elucidated the diplomatic ruse to the Ahom king, navigating the crisis with tact and ensuring that the unity among the Ahom commanders remained unscathed. The attempt to sow dissension among the ranks was thwarted, highlighting the resilience and strategic acumen of the Ahom leadership in the face of Mughal machinations.

The Battle of Saraighat unfolded not only on the battlefield but also through the intricate tapestry of diplomatic exchanges between the adversaries. In this dance of diplomacy, the relationship between Ram Singh and Lachit Barphukan bore the weight of mutual respect and regard, even as they engaged in subtle attempts to outwit each other. The ultimate outcome of the battle saw Ram Singh facing defeat, yet in the aftermath, he was generous with his praise for the heroism of Lachit Barphukan. In defeat, Ram Singh’s words echoed with admiration and acknowledgment as he declared, “...Glory to the King, Glory to the Councillors, Glory to the Commanders, Glory to the Country.”One single individual leads all the forces. Even I, Ram Singh, being personally on the spot, have not been able to find any loophole or an opportunity” (Sinha, 1999). This testament to Lachit Barphukan’s leadership and the indomitable spirit of the Ahom forces underscored the profound impact of both military strategy and diplomatic finesse in shaping the narrative of the Battle of Saraighat.

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