Letters to the Editor: Assamese at the edge of demographic invasion

Assamese at the edge of demographic invasion

At this moment, Assamese society stands poised at the edge of an abyss. The editorial 'Demographic invasion and definition of Assamese' published in your esteemed daily on September 29 has rightly pointed out that the sense of Assamese nationalism, which had been able to sustain the Assamese people so far, has become so debilitated that it appears to have become comatose. It may be recalled here that during the British administration in the region, they had brought with them lackeys from outside natives who had the benefits of Western education and owned their masters'.Prompted by their mechanism, Bengali replaced Assamese as the official language of the undivided Assam. It had been the middle class that realised that loss of language would mean loss of identity, and therefore its members fought tooth and nail to have Assamese reinstated as the official language. The editorial has said that although Assamese is the official language of the state, yet the demographic invasion of the immigrant Muslims who earlier identified themselves as 'Na-Asamiya' and declared Assamese as their mother tongue in the census from 1961 to 2001 has finally declared Bengali as their mother tongue in the 2021 census. Today, the situation is such that Assamese nationalism seems to have come to the fore of the dead due to the demographic invasion of ''land hungry'' people having roots in Bangladesh. The need of the hour is to check the demographic changes by hook or by crook, which were created by the influx of foreign infiltrators and hybridization of Assamese culture due to the intrusion of elements from outside. Needless to say, if the clauses of the Assam Accord, which arrived almost four decades ago, had been implemented, it would bear stark testimony to the emasculation of Assamese nationalism. It is the force that has assisted us to maintain our identity despite the efforts of leading political parties in the face of the careless attitude of the previous state governments. We must appreciate the state government for implementing the delimitation exercise on a war footing before the last general election so that the indigenous people of Assam dominate certain constituencies for posterity. The realisation of the state's CM that a rapid growth of the immigrant population is inimical to the interests of Assam's indigenous people deserves appreciation. So, time has come to define 'Assamese' in a broader sense in the context of the demographic invasion of the immigrants.

Iqbal Saikia,

Guwahati.

Consent to CBI

Karnataka has joined the long list of states that have withdrawn general consent to the CBI to conduct investigations relating to corruption, economic offences, crime, or violence in that particular state. The Delhi Special Police Establishment (DSPE) Act, 1946, under which the CBI was set up, has defined general consent and specific consent that can be accorded by the states to the CBI to function in their territories. If the general permission is withdrawn, then the premier investigation agency has to seek the state's consent every time it wants to investigate a case in that state. Only the Supreme Court and the High Courts can order a CBI investigation in any state without the state's nod.

It has to be remembered that states that have refused permission for the CBI are non-BJP-ruled, thereby underscoring the political undertones in the issue. That said, the CBI's slide began the day it started dancing to the tune of the government in power at the Centre.  The Supreme Court, in 2013, said the CBI was a  'caged parrot' following the orders of its 'master', the government. The federal system of governance in India has clearly demarcated powers between the Centre and the states. By the 1946 rule itself, the CBI is an agency that has no autonomous powers. The apex court has said that, keeping in mind the federal structure of the country, the CBI cannot infringe upon the states. By the same token, if the agency is accorded unbridled power, without making it an autonomous body, its misuse may be the order of the day.

Dr Ganapathi Bhat

(gbhat13@gmail.com)

Remembering the Mahatma

On October 2, we celebrate the birth anniversary of two of our great leaders—Mahatma Gandhi and Lal Bahadur Shastri. Mahatma Gandhi was the kind of person who loved non-violence. He wanted everyone to live happily without any form of non-violence. He always wanted our nation to be democratic, free, and secular.

Lal Bahadur Shastri was the second Prime Minister of India and the one who initiated the project to make India one of the largest producers of milk. Gandhi had gifted us freedom, but Lal Bahadur Shastri gave the Mahatma’s efforts a direction.

This Gandhi Jayanti, let us remember the Mahatma, the man who found the soul of India and put it together with values of love and service. While Mahatma Gandhi was a practicing Hindu, Christianity intrigued him. In his reading of the four Gospels—Matthew, John, Luke, and Mark—he was impressed by Jesus Christ, whom Christians worshipped and followed.

During his student days in London, he read the entire New Testament. The impact of the 'Sermon on the Mount' on his mind was to remain with him all his life. In volume 1 of his ten volume "The Story of Civilization,"  eminent historian Will Durant lauds Gandhi thus: "He did not mouth the name of Christ, but acted as if he accepted every word on the Sermon on the Mount. Mahatma Gandhi is perhaps the best example of someone who was discerning enough to reject Christianity, not Christ. He was deeply hurt by his experiences with apartheid and Christians during his time in South Africa, and it obviously stymied his relationship with Christ.

Jubel D'Cruz,

(jubeldcruz@yahoo.com)