Progress and challenges: Women in IFS towards gender parity

Joya Saikia

(The writer can be reached at joyasaikia1990@gmail.com.)

The Indian Foreign Service (IFS) saw a significant rise in the presence of women, increasing by 6.6 percent to reach 37.8 percent from 2014 to 2022. Notably, between 2018 and 2020, the percentage of female recruits in the IFS surpassed 40 percent. Observers point out that the IFS generally has a higher proportion of women compared to other services like the IAS and IPS.

Despite this undeniable progress, achieving gender parity in the diplomatic corps remains an ongoing challenge. Historically, women in the IFS have faced numerous obstacles, including exclusion from challenging postings and the requirement for government approval to marry—restrictions not imposed on their male colleagues. Trailblazers like C.B. Muthamma battled these discriminatory practices, notably in 1979, paving the way for significant improvements by the 1980s.

Although there have been advancements, the IFS remains a relatively small service, which contrasts with India’s self-perception as an emerging global power. Experts in foreign affairs have long advocated for tripling the number of recruits to bridge the gender gap and bolster India’s international presence. Historically, increasing recruitment has resulted in a higher proportion of women entering the service. This trend was evident in 2015, when 17 women were inducted into the IFS.

Presently, women lead only eight of India’s diplomatic missions, with none stationed in major capitals. This marks a significant decrease from 2008, when over 25 missions, including several key locations, were headed by women. Additionally, in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), just one of the seven top-level positions is currently held by a woman.

For true gender parity in the IFS, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar must tackle the structural and cultural barriers that hinder women’s advancement and leadership opportunities. Creating a more inclusive and representative diplomatic corps will ensure that the values and strengths of a modern India are more accurately reflected on the global stage.

The NDA government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is moving swiftly. As the new Union Ministers acclimatise to their roles, the Centre is promptly appointing private secretaries to support them. In the initial wave of appointments, private secretaries were named for Union ministers such as Nitin Gadkari, Manohar Lal Khattar, Giriraj Singh, and Hardeep Singh Puri. The selected private secretaries, Shinde Deepak Arjun, Rassal Dwivedi, Raman Kumar, and B. Vijay Datta, come from the IAS batches of 2010, 2011, and 2012. Notably, these appointments were made with minimal input from the ministers themselves, particularly in the case of Mr. Gadkari.

In the following round of appointments, six more officers were designated as private secretaries to Union ministers. Among them, Anirudha Sravan Pulipaka from the Karnataka cadre was appointed as the private secretary to finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman.

What’s fueling this urgency? The drive stems from a 100-day action plan for ministries and departments, developed by bureaucrats and Niti Aayog officials at Mr. Modi’s behest, even before the elections were announced. Initiatives requiring legislative approval or funding will be highlighted in the upcoming budget, scheduled for next month. The government is evidently on a mission to start strong, and these rapid appointments are just the beginning.

In a surprising and somewhat ironic gesture towards “ease of doing business,” officials in Gujarat are now accepting bribes on an installment plan to lessen the financial strain on those paying them. Yes, it’s true. These accommodating bureaucrats seem to have borrowed a concept from the banking sector, enabling citizens to pay bribes in manageable installments.

No longer do people need to gather large sums for bribes in one go. If you find yourself needing to pay a bribe but can’t manage the full amount upfront, worry not! Now, you can spread the payment over several months. For instance, earlier this year, someone implicated in a state GST fraudulent billing case was asked for a bribe amounting to Rs 21 lakh. Luckily, an installment plan was offered: Rs 2 lakh per month for nine months. Similarly, a cybercrime unit officer allegedly demanded Rs 10 lakh but agreed to accept payment in four installments instead.

According to sources familiar with the matter, the practice is becoming more widespread. In Surat, a deputy sarpanch and a taluka panchayat member requested Rs 85,000 from a villager for levelling his farm. Understanding the villager’s financial situation, they generously proposed an EMI arrangement: an initial payment of Rs 35,000 followed by three subsequent installments for the remaining amount.  In a startling turn of events, two police officers absconded with Rs 4 lakh, the initial installment of a Rs 10 lakh bribe they had demanded from a Sabarkantha district resident. Evidently, they were not willing to wait for the remainder!

Senior police officials acknowledge that this trend is becoming more prevalent, with at least 10 such incidents reported this year alone. This phenomenon is shedding light on previously undisclosed aspects of the renowned Gujarat model. It may even serve as inspiration for other states to consider adopting similar practices. Remember to acknowledge Gujarat for pioneering this approach, where citizens need not deplete their savings all at once—instead, they can expect a monthly deduction.