Weaning youths away from insurgency in NE

The Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) between the Central Government and the Tripura Government with two secessionist outfits of the Tripura-National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) and the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) marks the closure of the 35-year-long insurgency in the northeastern state bordering Bangladesh.
Weaning youths away from insurgency in NE
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The Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) between the Central Government and the Tripura Government with two secessionist outfits of the Tripura-National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) and the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) marks the closure of the 35-year-long insurgency in the northeastern state bordering Bangladesh. Timely implementation of the MoS will be critical to the sustainability of permanent peace. Under the agreement, the Central Government will provide a peace package of Rs 250 crore for funding development projects to be submitted by NLFT and ATTF. Both the insurgent outfits have agreed to shun violence, surrender all their arms and ammunition, and disband their armed organizations. The urgency to conclude the peace process and sign the MoS apparently arose from political turmoil in Bangladesh and regime change in the neighbouring country, as anti-India forces could exploit the situation by providing illicit support to secessionist groups in the Northeast region. The Ministry of Home Affairs in October last year extended the declaration of the outfits as "unlawful,” and the official notification issued in that connection states that NLFT factions continued to remain active in different parts of Tripura and maintained camps and hideouts in Bangladesh. The notification also claimed that the NLFT has been working in close nexus with other North-East insurgent organizations having their bases in Bangladesh, and is found engaged in supply of arms from Myanmar to Bangladesh-based outfits. The NLFT formed in 1989 was split into several factions, and the splinter faction signed an MoS with the government in 2004, but the majority of the cadres continued to remain under ground and indulge in violent activities like ambush, extortion, and kidnapping despite reduced cadre strength following the surrender of more cadres in 2019. The MHA notification further stated that though the ATTF was not very active at present The ATTF has, though, remained not very active for a while; its cadres were reorganising themselves to pursue their secessionist agenda, including protests against the merger of Tripura with the Indian Union and demand for a separate state—Greater Tipraland. Like the NLFT, the goal of the ATTF is the secession of Tripura from the Indian Union through armed struggles in alliance with other armed secessionist organisations of the North Eastern region, the official notification added while extending the ban on both outfits under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The notification, which was later confirmed by the UAPA Tribunal earlier this year, speaks volumes about the threat posed to the country's sovereignty and security if two outfits had regained strength and succeeded in their efforts to recruit fresh cadres and indulge in secessionist and anti-national activities in collusion with foreign powers inimical to India’s security interests. Political turmoil in Bangladesh leading to the ouster of Sheikh Hasina and the installation of an interim government backed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party precipitated the apprehension of Indian security agencies. Viewed in this backdrop, the MHA efforts to ensure the surrender of NLFT and ATTF cadres and their return to mainstream from camps and hideouts in Bangladesh and the disbanding of two armed organisations were a deft move to deny anti-India forces any opportunity to launch a proxy war and foment fresh trouble in Tripura and other areas in the region. What makes the MoS signed this time different from the previous MoS is that two outfits will be completely disbanded and not with just a splinter faction. Alarming demographic change triggered by unabated migration of people from erstwhile East Pakistan and present Bangladesh overwhelmed the indigenous Tripuri population, reducing them to minorities in their own land. Assam has also been experiencing a similar situation due to population explosion among illegal migrants from East Pakistan and present Bangladesh. Existential threat posed to indigenous populations by demographic change will not go away merely by signing the MoS with secessionist outfits. This ground reality should keep reminding the government and the society to remain alert against any disgruntled youth being misguided by anti-India forces to take up arms and indulge in secessionist activities. It is good that both the outfits have realised the futility of violence and agreed to return to the mainstream, but guards against threats of new outfits taking birth must not be lowered. The onus lies on both the central and state governments to ensure time-bound implementation in toto of the peace accords so that fissiparous tendencies cannot gain fresh ground. The amount of Rs 250 crore included in the special package is a substantial amount for a state like Tripura. Leaders and cadres of both outfits must be guided to seek the help of domain experts to articulate development projects that will generate employment, livelihood avenues, and promote entrepreneurship to facilitate the active participation of indigenous youth for faster progress of Tripura and in nation-building. Permanent peace facilitating faster progress in Tripura will also help wean youths away from insurgency in other Northeastern states.

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