The curious case of China’s disappearing intellectuals

NEW DELHI: Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Communist Party has had a fraught relationship with intellectuals in the country.

While it recognizes many as valuable experts and scholars, it views them as potential threats to its authority, particularly when their views diverge from the official narrative. This ongoing tension has resulted in cycles of persecution and marginalisation, leading to the disappearance of several intellectuals.

Recently, a prominent Chinese economist, Zhu Hengpeng, aged 55, reportedly vanished following his criticism of President Xi Jinping in a private WeChat group, where he is suspected of making disparaging remarks about China’s economy and possibly about Xi himself. According to reports from the Wall Street Journal, Zhu was first detained by police in April and has been under investigation since then; he previously held significant positions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) and had a distinguished career before his disappearance. His institution has not commented on his situation, and there has been no contact with him since his detention.

Similarly, Hu Xijin, the former Editor-In-Chief of the state-run Global Times, was also silenced after publishing an article that critiqued China’s economic strategy following the recent third plenum of the Communist Party. The pattern of disappearing experts is not new in China; it reflects a long-standing strategy employed by Chinese leaders to quash dissent, even when it arises from knowledgeable intellectuals who are attuned to societal issues.

From Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping, while China has undergone significant changes over the decades, the suppression of critical voices remains a consistent tool wielded by those in power.

Mao’s Reign

Mao Zedong’s governance initiated a systematic campaign against intellectuals by the Communist Party, viewing them as adversaries to the revolution due to their education and independent thought, which could potentially undermine party authority. Notable campaigns of persecution during this era included the Anti-Rightist Campaign and the Cultural Revolution. The Anti-Rightist Campaign, launched by Mao in 1957 in response to the Hundred Flowers Movement—where intellectuals were briefly permitted to express their views for party reform—saw Mao retaliate against those who exceeded his expectations for criticism by targeting individuals labelled as “rightists.”

Intellectuals who dared to express dissenting opinions were accused of promoting counter-revolutionary ideas, leading to coerced self-criticism among many prominent figures, including philosopher and historian Feng Youlan. Even Ding Ling, a celebrated writer and staunch Communist Party supporter, was labelled a rightist despite her contributions to the revolution, resulting in over 20 years of imprisonment in harsh labour camps. Another significant victim was historian Wu Han, whose play ‘Hai Rui Dismissed from Office’ was perceived as a veiled critique of Mao, leading to his branding as a rightist; he faced imprisonment, public denunciation, and ultimately died during the Cultural Revolution.

Mao’s systematic persecution of these intellectuals persisted throughout his rule, establishing a precedent among Chinese leaders for eliminating opposition and dissenting voices.

Post-Mao China and Spectre of Tiananmen

Following Mao Zedong’s death in 1976, Deng Xiaoping introduced reform and opening-up policies that marked a significant shift in China’s approach to intellectuals. As the Communist Party sought to modernise, it began rehabilitating intellectuals, recognising their expertise as essential for development; however, the party maintained strict control over intellectual discourse, imposing severe repercussions on those who opposed its authority.

Under Deng’s leadership, many intellectuals previously persecuted during Mao’s era were reinstated and emerged as influential figures in society. For instance, architect Liang Sicheng, who faced a ban during the Cultural Revolution, later gained respect for his contributions to architecture in China. Similarly, Fei Xiaontong, a distinguished sociologist and anthropologist, was rehabilitated and continued to be a prominent voice in Chinese academia despite enduring years of persecution under Mao.

The post-Tiananmen period has seen the Communist Party intensifying its control over intellectuals, particularly those advocating for political reform. A notable case is that of Liu Xiaobo, a literary critic, writer, and human rights activist who played a key role in the Tiananmen protests. Liu championed democracy and human rights, co-authoring the 2008 manifesto “Charter 08,” which called for democratic reforms in China. In 2010, he was arrested and sentenced to 11 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power.”

Despite being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, Liu remained incarcerated until his death in 2017. Another significant figure, Bao Tong, who served as chief aide to reformist Premier Zhao Ziyang, was also imprisoned due to his involvement in the Tiananmen protests. Even after his release, Bao was subjected to strict surveillance and was prohibited from speaking publicly on political issues.

Xi Jinping’s Time

Intellectual and expert disappearances have become increasingly prevalent under the Communist Party’s expanded control over society, particularly during Xi Jinping’s presidency, which underscores a renewed emphasis on ideological purity and national unity. Intellectuals and experts who do not conform to party directives face severe repercussions.

Under Xi’s leadership, the state has intensified legal repressions, employing digital surveillance and enforced disappearances to silence dissenting voices. A prominent example is Ren Zhiqiang, a real estate mogul and outspoken critic of Xi Jinping, who disappeared in March 2020 after publishing an essay that sharply criticised the government’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. Subsequently, he was sentenced to 18 years in prison for bribery, a charge widely perceived as politically motivated.

Another prominent voice silenced during this period is Xu Zhangrun, a Law professor at Tsinghua University. Xu garnered significant public attention through his essays that critiqued the authoritarian nature of the Chinese government and the centralisation of power under Xi Jinping. In 2018, he published an essay titled ‘Imminent Fears, Immediate Hopes’, which condemned Xi’s unilateral decision to abolish presidential term limits. By 2020, Xu was subjected to house arrest, lost his position at Tsinghua University, and was prohibited from teaching or publishing his work.

Nonetheless, the recent disappearances, including a prominent economist and a once-nationalist Editor-In-Chief highlight significant issues within China, particularly the faltering economy under Xi Jinping’s leadership. It is increasingly evident that Chinese leaders have historically resorted to silencing intellectuals and experts across various fields whenever they express even mild criticism of the regime.

Furthermore, it is noteworthy that those leaders who engage in such suppression have consistently failed to meet the needs of their citizens. Eventually, the global community will uncover the true state of the Chinese economy; current indicators suggest a grim outlook, mirroring the uncertain fate of those who have vanished at the state’s behest.  (IANS)

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